Thesis:

This paper will attempt to show how Sufism, or more specifically the mystical tradition in Sindh, can serve as a counter-weight to the rising specter of extremism and intolerance and strict Wahhabi interpretations of the religious texts, not only in Pakistan, which has suffered greatly (in the ongoing War on Terror) in the last decade, but also in the Muslim world, in the wake of the Arab Spring. The union of Hindu and Muslim traditions in Sindh has made the province more tolerant and harmonious, as is corroborated by substantially higher levels of suicide attacks and sectarian conflict in Punjab, Baluchistan and NWFP. The recent visit of the Pakistani President to a Sufi shrine in India has stirred up the debate, namely how Pakistan, blighted by extremism, should turn towards the more pacifying message espoused in Sufism. In an increasingly fractured world, Sufism provides hope for a better future.

The Rise of Radical Islam

Pakistan has been ravaged by the scourge of extremism. Ever since the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent War on Terror, 35,000 people-civilians, armed forces, police personal- have lost their lives in a conflict that feeds on hatred and injustice. Religious madrassas, over the past decade, have become a byword for religious extremism, as breeding grounds for suicide bombers. These rigid institutions(ironically the only schools for poor families), financed by Saudi Arabia, are designed to ensure conformity to the twisted brand of Islam that they vociferously endorse, one that not only enjoins the use of violence to counter the infidels but in the process also defiles a religion that advocates peace and tolerance. Pakistan, formed to protect the rights of the minority Muslim population of the subcontinent, has ironically treated its minorities-Hindus and Christians-abjectly. I contend that this attitude towards non-Muslims stems from the intolerance and bigotry fostered by orthodox religious institutions and the Wahahabi-Deobandi-Salafi nexus.

The rot (radical indoctrination) begins with the syllabus designed for students that, almost without fail, has references to conspiracy theories being concocted by the Hindus and the Jews. Graduates from madrassas emerge with hatred, resentment, and an intense desire for revenge.

General Zia, in an attempt to consolidate his political authority, began a process of Islamization in the Pakistani society that saw the emergence of radical Islam in the 1980s. Funded by Wahhabi elements and organized by the ISI and CIA, a dangerous conception of Jihad was born. This Jihad makes no distinction between innocent and guilty, between Muslims and non-Muslims (consider the plentitude of suicide bombings that targeted Muslim populations). The Sufi perspective on the Jihad (the real Jihad) is:

“Jihad, according to Sufi beliefs, is purging one’s mind of evils and fighting against them by controlling material desires”.

The inability of these institutions to foster a climate of debate and active engagement serves to explain the rigid outlook that is the culmination of such learning. Any deviance from an already prescribed path is met with stringent punishment, often leading to physically and more importantly, long term psychological harm. One can sense the way in which young children are molded, how their young unsuspecting minds cannot uncover how their mindsets are being altered irrevocably. These are not educational centers committed to equipping their graduates to compete in an increasingly globalized world but instead are ideological factories that manufacture radicalism and intolerance.

Sufism, in stark contrast, focuses on the interior instead of the exterior, the need to perfect one’s faith by fighting with the real enemy, the Nafs.

Orthodox Islam has frowned upon their more liberal counterparts. Feisal Abdul Rauf of the Cordoba Initiative, a leading proponent of Sufism, preaches the ideals of love, the remembrance of god (or ‘zikr’) and reconciliation, though the Taliban, paradoxically, view him as an apostate, worthy of being assassinated.

It comes as no surprise that the Taliban have targeted the shrines of Sufi saints in Pakistan. On July 2, the Pakistani Taliban conducted a double suicide bombing on Data Darbar, the largest Sufi shrine in Lahore, killing 42 people and injuring 175. Another crucial attack was on the shrine of the 17th century saint Rahman Baba-the national poet of the Pashtun tribe- in northwestern Pakistan. Some Sufis, especially members of the Chishtiyya Sufi Order who considers music to be a potent way to realize God, were prosecuted in Afghanistan. Orthodox Islam frowns upon Sufis with their penchant for music-especially Qawwali, Sufi devotional music, immensely popular in South Asia.

William Darymple, explains the need for inner cleansing and Sufi Islam’s aversion to strict religious dogma, when he writes,:

What was important was not the empty ritual of the mosque, church, synagogue or temple, but the striving to understand that divinity can best be reached through the gateway of the human heart: that we all can find paradise within us, if we know where to look. Sufism, with its emphasis on love rather than judgment, represents the New Testament of Islam.

 

The Sufi Way

Sufis make no distinction between mankind, as everything that exists is a manifestation of the one Divine reality, a reflection of his Attributes, his creation. The Truth is one, and anyone who realizes it is welcomed. Love for the beloved, who remains both hidden and manifest, translates into love for all people, without discrimination or difference. This all encompassing nature of Sufism bodes well for peace and interfaith dialogue in a world increasingly being fractured by genocide and sectarian violence. As Rohal Faqir beautifully articulates:

“On one side there were Hindus and on the other side there are

Muslims, in between they created hatred and difference. They are blind;

who is going to tell them the truth, Rohal says that when I looked

around and saw different paths of the Beloved, I found out

that God among them was one and the same. Where can I keep my feet

when lam sleeping in the center of Ka’aba”

The Sufis emphasize on love, in finding God in the human heart, in the belief that salvation lies within the confines of the human soul. Sufis also contend that because the Divine reality is one, religions are varying manifestations of the same one reality. The concept of infinite tolerance is encapsulated by Rumi:

Come, come, whoever you are. Worshiper, Wanderer, Lover of Leaving; ours is not a

caravan of despair. Though you have broken your vows a thousand times…Come, come

again, Come

Everything in existence points to Him; He created all that exists, and therefore, everything is beautiful in its duality: light and darkness, day and night, desire and forbearance. A Sufi cannot harm or belittle His creation, even the non-Muslims. This is a marked departure from Wahhabism that encourages open confrontation with the infidels. A Barelvi Islamic scholar says ‘Killing an innocent Hindu just because he isn’ t a Muslim is certainly not a jihad’

Ibn Arabi expresses how Sufism incorporates all religions, as all are reflective of the one Divine Reality:

“My heart has become capable of every form:

It is a pasture for gazelles

And a convent for Christian monks

And a temple for idols

And the pilgrim’s Ka’ba

And the tables of the Torah

And the book of the Koran.

I follow the religion of love:

Whatever way Love’s camels take,

That is my religion and my faith”

Sufism in Sindh

Sindh (also called Bab-ul-Islam) is the birthplace of Sufism in Pakistan. Sufi saints were instrumental in spreading Islam with its message of tolerance and forbearance. Sufi saints of Sindh(known as ‘the land of 124,000 saints and dervishes)  have a large and devoted following among both Hindu and Muslims and it is striking that many Hindus cross the border from India to pay homage at the shrines, despite political obstacles and social stigma associated with stepping into “enemy” terrain.  As Sachal Sarmast, a Sufi saint, downplaying the religious divide, says:

“Sachu Supreme is one- no doubt no question,

Witnesses his own show- resplendent royally,

Sometimes recites scriptures-sometimes Koran,

Somewhere as Christ, Ahmed or Hanumaan,

Astonished and bewildered at all Himself.”

Sindh has been under the grip of the land owning feudal class, who have amassed power in their own hands and shamelessly oppressed the peasantry. Amidst this backdrop, Shah Inayat (the Mansur of Sind) launched a campaign against feudalism, calling for greater social justice and equality. He proclaimed, much to the collective anger of the ruling elite, “Land belongs to God and its yield to the tiller.”

This proclamation made the saint a threat to the ruling élites. By attempting to transform a feudal society into an agrarian egalitarian society, he earned many enemies. On the orders of the King, Shah Inayat was executed[11], becoming an iconic figure in the history of Sufism in Sindh.

In Sufi shrines, all ethnic, class, religious, social distinctions are blurred; everyone prays, sings and eats together. Sufi saints emerged as the savior of the masses, providing charity freely, speaking up for the rights of the impoverished and rebelling against the feudal class system.

Sufism offers the prospect a society without sectarian, ethnic and communal differences. The pervasive influence of Sufism in Sindh has translated into a populace that is more tolerant, accommodating and compromising, much of which explains why extremism is markedly less pronounced in Sindh, as opposed to other provinces. Hindu-Muslim union in Sindh provides modern day lessons for policy makers, striving to battle against the rapid spread of extremism.

Sufi saints have, time and again, challenged the Mulleh community, who espouse a strict reading of religious texts and who consider the Sufis as being non-Muslim, deviant individuals, basking in music, which for them is Haram. Now, I shall cite the poems of Sufi saints that clearly show acceptance of the fact that the Divine Reality is one, which in turn has engendered a degree of tolerance in Sindhi people.

Shah Latif (greatly influenced by Rumi) is one of the greatest poets of Sindh- his work is replete with calls for religious tolerance and adoption of humanistic values. There is also a degree of pluralism in the recognition that while the path to the reality may be plentiful; the destination is same for all. As he writes:

From one it became many, from many it became one.

Reality is in unity, you should not forget this

That there is unity behind diversity.

There ore lahks of your forms, you are one with them,

but having different forms. Oh my beloved!

How many signs of your beauty am I going to count.”

Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai was against religious dogma, as is manifested in the following poem:

“If you are seeking Allah,
Then keep clear of religious formalities.
Those who have seen Allah
Are away from all religions!
Those who do not see Allah here,
How will they see Him beyond?

Consider the case of Gulan, a dancing girl who came to Shah Latif seeking guidance. The considerate Latif blessed her, and the girl later married the ruler of Sind. This story showcases how the saints did not condone or berate sinners, but rather, out of mercy and compassion, pray that they are shown the Right Way. The Taliban could learn a lot from this short example.

Shah Latif encapsulates his teachings in the below text:

“The Truth is one, the Beloved is one, why fight over names? They asked him: “Oh Latif, what are you, a Shiah Muslim or a Sunni one?” He replied: “Between the two.” They said: “But between the two is nothing.” “Yes, yes,” he replied, “that `nothing’ I am.”

Blighted by conventional thinking, priests and the ulema decried the message of these Sufi saints, calling them heresy and Kufr (with a special emphasis on the Sufi penchant for music).  The priests of Islam said, “Satan is the worst of the damned.” Latif defied them. “Satan is the only lover, all others are prattlers. Out of the great love of the Lord, the shining one (Satan) embraced disgrace.”

In his recognition of Unity of the Lord, he came to associate every form of Creation with the Divine Essence:
“This and that, life and death, beloved and lover, enemy and friend are all one.”

Sachal, another great poet, in the same vein as Shah Latif, criticizes formal religion when he articulates.

“Love forgives all religion. The Lover never entangles himself in either Islam or Hinduism”

The Mullas read traditions and the Koran,

They look like Mussalmans,

They are the very devil,

These will defeated die

In the poetry of Sachal Sarmast, one finds examples of Sikh references, which is a token of his profound tolerance for spiritual teachers, casting religion aside. Some of his poems manifestly are on Sri Krishna and Hindu Yogis. The Union of both these elements in his songs helped foster harmony and a mutual appreciation of each other’s culture. As Sachal writes:

Again and again he emphasizes this, “neither a Muslim nor a Hindu”. The priests could not tolerate this, but Sachal poured ridicule upon them. “Look at these priests! How sanctimoniously they read lengthy prayers merely to fill their stomachs. “For a trifle of bread they cry their prayers, with uncomely faces, with ugly beards, these raw ones read blessings! To the world they boast they keep fasts, in reality they are great eaters

A crucial element of the evolution of Sufism in Sindh (and the lesson it provides for today’s divided world) was the blurring of religious lines, in that there were even Hindu Sufi fakirs who preached tolerance, practiced Sufism and enjoyed a large following, of both Hindu and Muslims. Even during the partition of 1947, Sindh was not engulfed in communal tensions, of the levels seen in Punjab and Bengal. In the political arena, fundamentalist parties have fared poorly in the province.

The central essence of Sufi thinking, as preached by saints over the ages, has been to reform orthodox Islamic thinking. The conjoining and assimilation of both Hindu and Muslim cultures in Sindh has not resulted in an intolerant and bigoted society.

Ruhal Fakir, in his assertion that God is one, downplays the religious divide that breeds hatred and resentment:

‘In Kufir and Islam they are out of step,

One Hindu, the other Musalmaan and third enmity in between,

Who can claim truly that the blind can’t find darkness,

Ruhal, on the path of Beloved, realise its vastness,

God was only one- no traps, no twists,

Where can she point her feet in the abode of Allah!’

The Way Forward

The raiding of the Red Mosque (Lal Majid) by the Pakistan army in 2007 marked a crucial juncture in the rise of extremism in Pakistan (or the state’s response to clamp down the rising tide of fundamentalism). I have lived in Islamabad for about 15 years, close by to the Mosque, which I frequented for the Friday sermon, and have witnessed, the descent of the sector I lived in (not the city as a whole) into the abyss of radicalism, tied intimately with intense resentment at American presence in Afghanistan, the promise of salvation (Jihad against an infidel imperial superpower) used to brainwash unsuspecting (also unemployed) youth to join their ‘”holy” cause.  From what I have observed, extremism is a mindset, an ideology, a state of mind. The clergy at the mosque were overwhelmingly passionate, as they made abundantly clear in their sermons, fully convinced that they were on the “Right” way. However, I subscribe wholly to the notion that the real Jihad is to fight against one’s own Nafs. Sufism, with its tolerating message and all encompassing nature, does provide the solution for a country ravaged by war and sectarian tensions (especially the example of Sindh that has not descended into violence even as the entire country burns).

 

References

http://jjexon.hubpages.com/hub/Great-Poet-of-world-Shah-Abdul-Latif-Bhittai-Of-Sindh

http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers10%5Cpaper924.html

http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers8%5Cpaper797.html

http://www.pvtr.org/pdf/RegionalAnalysis/SouthAsia/Madrassa%20_IDSS%20_%20_FINAL_.pdf

http://www.islamdaily.org/en/wahabism/2172.a-sufi-muslim-takes-on-wahhabism.htm

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3321349.ece

http://ignca.nic.in/cd_09018.htm

http://www.siasat.pk/forum/showthread.php?57748-Sufism-returns-to-Afghanistan&fb_source=message

http://www.thehindu.com/news/the-india-cables/the-cables/article2038018.ece

http://blogs.cfr.org/husain/2012/04/11/what-qatar-can-learn-from-pakistan/

Sufism can combat extremism | DAWN.COM
dawn.com/2012/04/20/sufism-can-combat-extremism/

http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/1205/p13s02-lire.html?page=15

Why Sufis are natural allies against extremism
www.deccanherald.com › Panorama

http://www.khilafah.com/index.php/comment/6741-sufism-and-the-revival-of-the-ummah

 

 

 

Recently all eyes have been focused on the Supreme Court of Pakistan- the institution has emerged a political player in its own right although it remains to be seen whether the Court acts out of its own accord. And here’s why. The recently empowered Supreme Court has set out to challenge both the powerful army and the civilian leadership, first by charging the sitting Prime Minister of contempt of court for refusing to re-open an old corruption case against Zardari (if convicted the PM could go to jail and lose his office), and then by ordering two military agencies to explain why seven suspected militants were held without criminal charges for 18 months in harsh conditions. PM Gilani was handed the verdict on Monday:

“You, Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani, have willfully disobeyed the direction of this court,” said Justice Nasir-ul-Mulk, the head of the seven-judge bench hearing the case. “Thereby you have committed contempt of court … and you are to be tried.”

This new development is crucial for it disturbs the power balance between the executive and judiciary and the Supreme Court’s criticism of the ISI is especially significant-in the past, the army has staged three military coups with the connivance of the Supreme Court, using the notorious and ill-defined ” Doctrine of Necessity” every time.

The political landscape is shifting in Pakistan, previously where you only had two players – with the army-retaining centre stage, now there are four: include the increasingly assertive Supreme Court and not to forget, the media.( a surprise entry if one rewinds back to the days, not so long ago, where PTV was the only source of news). Cyril Almeida echoes a similar point when he writes in Dawn:

“Welcome to the new Pakistan, where power centers are diffuse, outcomes less certain and no grand conspirator to make it all come together, or fall apart, at the appropriate time,” .

Many allege foul play, arguing that the Supreme Court has an axe to grind against Zardari, or that, with the complicity of the armed forces, the SC is weakening the civilian government, paving the way for early elections; some even maintain that SC is acting out of its own accord, headed as it is by an fiercely independent Chief Justice, who evoked popular sentiment with his defiant stand against then military dictator, Musharraf. Whatever the case-one can only speculate for now- a powerful SC does mark a turning point.

The million dollar question is this: how independent is the Supreme Court as it sets out to deliver justice? Ahmed Rashid, a senior analyst, adds weight to the conspiracy theories, proposing that the army and the Supreme Court are out to topple the civilian government. Others contend that the move towards opening cases against the ISI is all hogwash, designed to hoodwink the nation into believing that the Court is not biased. While this borders on the extreme (one would have to assume that the relevant political players are malevolent and deceptively cunning), the possibility of such a covert deal cannot be ruled out completely.

Consider the ramifications if the Prime Minister is indeed convicted and jailed. Such an occurrence will be a major embarrassment for the ruling PPP party that has been battling for survival ever since the memo-gate scandal. It may even speed the process of elections, pushing the date to somewhere this year, instead of 2013. Some interesting times ahead ( Elections) for anyone who has a genuine interest in Pakistani politics or is a casual observer; despise our politicians as you may, but never do they give us a dull moment.

 

The story of the Bhutto family has strong elements of a Greek tragedy, rife with betrayal, murder, unbridled ambition and schisms. The Bhutto dynasty is often compared to the Gandhi’s and the Kennedy’s,both of whom are scarred with the same turbulent history. But while being a Bhutto is undoubtedly a privilege, it also brings in its fair share of burdens, its bundle of responsibilities, the premature tag of being a politician and the expectation of greatness. One of the more promising future leaders of Pakistan, among others, is Fatima Bhutto, granddaughter of the charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,who has, till yet, showed a general reluctance to enter politics, citing the following as her rationale:

“I don’t believe in birthright politics. I don’t think, nor have I ever thought, that my name qualifies me for anything.“

You Fatima Bhutto, are the last remnant of this lineage, of political leaders who have shaped Pakistani politics over the last four decades, for better or worse depending on who you ask. The sybarites and clowns in whose hands the party has fallen into, namely the Zardari’s, have marred and defiled the legacy of the party itself, shedding the integrity of a PPP that once stood for change and reformation. These days, as is widely known, PPP is a joke, a bundle of corrupt politicians pilfering and looting, biding their time, until the next elections when the promises- the same Roti, Kapra, Makan- to the embattled masses shall begin anew.

I am perfectly cognizant that politics is a dirty arena, that it is rife with corruption and blackmail., and even mortal danger. The price for speaking out against the establishment is a death warrant. Or an assassin’s bullet. But you have to enter this treacherous fray not for yourself, or the PPP, or as a consequence of its diminished legacy, or just because your last name ends with a Bhutto, but because the people of Pakistan, the impoverished and the downtrodden, have been betrayed, left to rot, decay and fend for themselves in an increasingly harsh economic climate. I don’t know whether you have extensively travelled Pakistan, and have come in contact with the hapless masses, who are, tragically, losing hope in the very idea of Pakistan. The country needs a sincere leader and incorruptible leader more than ever. And I say this with no leverage whatsoever, for you can, with great ease, disregard my rambling. But I expect better, the people of Pakistan expect much better. We all do.

Your aversion to entering politics by virtue of your last name is perfectly understandable. You dont want to use the platform of the ” Bhutto family” to kick-start your political career. But had you been incompetent and smug, I would never have been writing this. Its because you strike people as competent and gifted, that they see hope in you, that the calls for you to enter politics are becoming increasingly vehement. Like I said, this is not about an individual. Its about the people of Pakistan who have suffered beyond respite. In the end, politics is, as it ought to be, about the common man.

Imran Khan has emerged as the Messiah for a nation long clamoring for the arrival of a noble soul, who would, with sincerity and clarity of vision, uplift millions from the abyss of poverty, despair and disrepair and propel Pakistan into the ranks of ‘developed’ nations. And his arrival on the political scene- termed as a “Tsunami” by the man himself- that has taken 15 years in the making, is indeed a welcome and timely development. And yet, those 15 years boiled down to a single moment, that protracted struggle could be captured in that one powerful image that floated around in social media websites, where a prominent Imran Khan, empowered by the thousands that had gathered around Minar-e-Pakistan, his hands raised in a show of defiance against the status-quo, announced his arrival in the arena of Pakistani politics, his fiery speech assailing the corruption and lethargy of rival political parties. Previously, he had been dismissed as indecisive, vacillating, even somewhat confused and thus a small fish floating anxiously in a big pond. All of it changed on October 30. Yes, the “youth quake” changed the landscape of Pakistani politics. But, one may ask, will this outburst of political energy translate into tangible change for the masses? And this, above all else, is the most vital question.

Given the harrowing conditions the nation is going through- load shedding, the incessant violence, the creeping inflation- anyone of reasonable pedigree can charm the masses and capture the public imagination. For now, Imran khan can berate and castigate the policies of the current regime, stockpiling the entire burden on their heads-not that they are not culpable- and gain mass support of the embattled masses. Pakistan- and I feel bad saying this- is a mess, a real bad one, with the economy barely afloat, sectarian tensions boiling up and the United States breathing down our necks in Afghanistan. To get out of this hole, we need to first recognize that we are entrapped in one. Despite the theme of change Imran Khan so readily endorses, we should, as informed citizens, recognize the rhetoric in his speeches. I don’t blame him for resorting to tall claims for in order to captivate the masses; one does have to show them big dreams, convince them that change is just around the corner. But then again, change won’t be easy, and it surely won’t be abrupt, if anything, it’s going to a long path towards recycling Pakistan. And Imran Khan needs to tell this to the people who deserve to know the truth, however painful and excruciating it might be.

Imran Khan stands for hope as our gullible youth are led to believe. Imran Khan stands for hope because we have no other alternative, as the Zardari’s and the Sharif’s have been tried and tested, one too many a time. When asked by my friend who I would rather vote for, I feel silent. I just could not think of one person, one political party who had my confidence, who had my vote. Such was the nature of my quandary. And then after a reflective 2-3 minutes, I blurted out” Imran Khan”. And then it struck me, as much I am sure it struck my friend, that I had no other viable option. So Imran it was.

In the end, politics is about, as it ought to be, about the welfare of the masses. We, as denizens of the land of the pure, are asking for real tangible change. While the rhetoric employed in political speeches can be terribly exciting, all of it comes to naught if the common man remains trapped in the tentacles of poverty. Promises have been made and broken in the past. Imran Khan needs to provide his party manifesto that details exactly the policies his party wishes to undertake to alleviate the suffering of the majority. If he does that, he has my vote.

I personally contend that Imran Khan is incorruptible, a rarity in a political culture that thrives on bribery and pilfering and among the others stands as the most articulate, gifted with charisma and a jocular nature. But, then again, giving fiery speeches or cracking anecdotes in front of throngs of impassioned followers, does not translate into real change. He needs to do much more to prove his credentials; he is considered mercurial and tentative in his policy making, and has more a reputation of a playboy than a politician, at least in the West. PTI, under the lingering shadow of IK, is a one man show, and as I recall, the party fared rather poorly in previous elections, garnering less than 1 percent of the total vote cast. The party does not have the stature or the expertise or the experience to battle Pakistan’s endemic problems. Consider the following excerpt taken from an article in Dawn:

The current PTI secretary general is Karachi-based Dr Arif Alvi, a dentist for the city’s elite who has pots of money and a techie son who lets go of no opportunity to promote his father’s political party through purportedly non-political ventures. The main policy advisor of the party is Dr Shireen Mazari, who for years ran a government-funded think tank in Islamabad before serving for a short period of time as the editor of the Lahore-based English daily The Nation. If she is known for anything, it is certainly not a non-jingoistic understanding of Pakistan’s foreign and security policies. The brain behind Mr Khan’s latest makeover as Pakistan’s savoir in the making — one more time after a failed earlier attempt — is Haroonur Rashid, a columnist with the daily Jang who once wrote the authorised and laudatory biography of Gen Akhtar Abdur Rehman, an intelligence czar under Gen Zia and one of the many architects of Pakistan-backed militancy in Afghanistan in the 1980s.

Imran Khan may have mesmerized on the cricket pitch, anchoring Pakistan to cricketing glory, but this is, as we should all recognize, the real word of diplomacy and public policy. While I respect his leadership and oratory skills, I believe that he does not have the acumen to survive in the political arena, let alone carve out a distinct destiny for Pakistan in the community of nations. Don’t take me wrong, I am not an Imran basher, far from it; I was delighted when he managed a staggering 100,000 people in his historic Lahore rally. I feel a sense of pride welling up inside me when he takes a firm stand on the drone strikes that are infringing our sovereignty. I see hope in him, that four letter word wholly absent in the last two decades. But one must deal with the facts, not get carried away in the spur of the moment. We Pakistanis are an excitable bunch, to be painfully honest, and have clung on to Imran as if he embodies the Messiah we have been long waiting for. But is he the Messiah or a demagogue feigning to be one? Only time will tell.

Yes, Imran does have the backing of the youth, but whether this ‘Face book’ following translates into real political capital remains to be seen. Will these same people turn up at Election Day-the all important day- to cast their votes? I have my doubts about him, were you to seek my opinion. For the sake of our country, for the millions living below the poverty line, I hope I am terribly, horribly, colossally wrong.

Please, don’t emulate your father. Sad as it is, if you have to carve for yourself a distinct political identity, you would have to distance yourself from the present lot of sybarites who have failed lavishly in doing anything to benefit the common man. It won’t be easy, but this is politics, and given that you are the future, and indeed the chairperson of the largest political party in Pakistan, much rests in your hands. Even I don’t think, at present, you wholly understand the great constructive role you could play for this long suffering nation.In our youth lies hope for a tomorrow, free from strife, violence and anarchy, and you, Bilalwal, can, if you so choose, alter the destiny of this nation.

These words may sound rhetorical but then you would have to witness the harrowing plight of the majority, the lives of whom are plagued by unremitting violence brought about by our collusion in the War on Terror, those who are bereft of sugar, wheat, gas and electricity, and those who are, I must add, losing hope in the very idea of Pakistan. You stand at an important juncture at your political career, much the same way as Pakistan stands on the brink of perpetual failure, and the decisions you make right now, not 10 years from today, will shape your political fortunes.

If you truly care for the masses, do not shy away from the farmer in Larkana who works 15 hours a day or the laborer in Sialkot who ensures similar grinding conditions. Your grandfather always interacted with the common man with an ease that belied their relative social positions- that of the rich and the impoverished, of the ruler and the subject. The Pakistan People’s Party, while having degenerated in the last few years to a bunch of thugs, once stood for the rights of the downtrodden, the savior of the common man, the voice of the weak and the oppressed. These are the foundations upon which the ideology of the Party has been laid; indeed the Party’s ability to directly interact and reach out to ordinary people explained much of its popularity during the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto days.

Now, this personal interaction is withering away and with it is the popularity of the Party itself and the hope it once awakened in the hearts of millions of Pakistanis. The founding of PPPP, is tragic in the bloodshed that came accompanied its formation, but heroic in the sense of the empowerment it brought to the common man, the spectacle of civil society rising to tyranny and authoritarianism. It is fitting that a country built on dreams should be led by a party evoking the same ideals in everyone one us, reminding us of both of great sacrifices and overwhelming potential. Do not trample upon this Party and this country for you will be then be defiling the dreams and aspirations of millions like me, all of whom labor in the illusion that Pakistan is a country destined to greatness.

My cities are burning

My people are dying

Who else is it apart from us?

We are killing,

We are getting killed

Our land has become a graveyard

The day began with news of Karachi burning, of how 80 people were killed in the space of 72 hours. And then I knew that the city that I called my own, the place I called home, housed cold blooded murderers. That somewhere within the radius of my house reside people who specialize in killing innocent citizens just to further their political agenda. And then it struck me. No one was safe. That the next unsuspecting victim could be my uncle, my brother, father or me.

As I descended down the stairs into the market, a certain gloom, a palpable sense of worry was written on the faces of everyone: the shopkeeper who pondered over the prudence of resuming his business, the passerby who sensed that unidentified gunmen, on the quest for revenge, were on the prowl for their next victim. Most of the shops were closed; fear was roaming the streets. Petrol pumps were the first to close after the violence ensued, and markets duly followed. For households short of food-the mayhem having entered its fourth day- venturing out into the open was nothing short of suicide. Karachi was held hostage by a handful of miscreants-armed with motorcycles- with a license to kill.

The police and the law enforcement agencies have failed miserably, for the senseless slaughter and shedding of human blood continues unabated into the fourth day. 90 people have been killed- 90 families have been torn apart and an entire city of 20 million souls has been rendered paralyzed. Eyewitness recount how the police itself has joined in the carnage and instead of protecting unarmed citizens have become passive onlookers and by extension- accomplices in the gruesome killing spree.

The government, it seems, has woken from its deep slumber. In an effort to restore law and order, 1000 FC soldiers have been deployed in sensitive areas, as per the announcement of Rehman Malik, who arrived at midnight at the Quaid-i-Azam International Airport. In other developments, Sindh Chief Minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah presided over a meeting on the law and order situation. The meeting, attended by police and Sindh Rangers authorities, ended with shoot-at-sight orders to enforce the writ of the government. Somewhat ironic that the government, the custodian of law and justice, has to resort to violence itself, blurring the line between the good and the bad guys, between terrorists and counter-terrorists, between saviors and troublemakers.

A nation that cannot provide justice to its own citizens is a society on the verge of violence and anarchy. When state institutions, defunct and dysfunctional, cannot provide security of life- the most basic of rights as enshrined in the constitution- then the common man will wrest the initiative from the government and take law and order in his own hands. And that-sadly- is the ground reality in Karachi, a city in the headlines for all the wrong reasons. Ordinary citizens have set about delivering their own version of “Justice”, shedding the last remnants of state authority in an increasingly lawless city. For the economic and business heartland of Pakistan to be under the grip of anarchy, is indeed very tragic, and the government should act with alacrity if it wishes to restore a modicum of law and order in the “City of Lights”.